Armenians and Georgians lack confidence in their ability to influence politics

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. This article was written by Melor Shengelia, a researcher at CRRC Georgia. The views presented in this article are the author’s alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of CRRC Georgia.

According to data from the 2024 Caucasus Barometer, both Armenians and Georgians tend to lack confidence in their influence on politics. However, Armenians in general are significantly less willing to participate in politics.

Both Armenian and Georgian politics have experienced dramatic protests over the last decade. Over the past three years, Georgia has experienced significant political unrest due to the ruling Georgian Dream party’s domestic crackdown and drift away from Euro-Atlantic integration. In Armenia, the political landscape has evolved since the 2018 Velvet Revolution, when mass protests brought current Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan into power.

Though both countries have been host to mass public movements, data from the 2024 Caucasus Barometer suggests that people’s perceptions of their political power differ between the two countries.

In Armenia, more people believed that politics and government were too complicated for the average person to understand. While this opinion was also common in Georgia, it was expressed significantly less often.

A statistical model demonstrates that people in Georgia living in urban areas outside of Tbilisi were more likely to agree than disagree with the statement, ‘Sometimes politics and government seem so complicated that a person like me can’t really understand what’s going on’.

Younger people aged 18–34 were less likely to agree with this statement compared to people from older age groups.

The model also suggests that in Georgia, women were more likely to agree that politics were too complicated to understand compared to men.

Education was also a significant predictor of whether someone agreed or disagreed with the statement. People with a higher education were less likely to agree and more likely to disagree with this opinion compared to people with a lower education level.

Ethnic Georgians were also more prone to disagree with this statement compared to ethnic minorities.

In Armenia, however, demographic variables were not statistically significant predictors of feelings towards how complicated politics are.

Data related to whether people felt they had a say in what their government does similarly showed that people in both Armenia and Georgia were not confident in their ability to influence politics.

In Armenia, 64% of the public agreed that they did not have any say in the government’s actions. In Georgia, on the other hand, less, albeit half (52%) of the public, believed they lacked a say and influence in what their government does.

Regression analysis demonstrates that in both Armenia and Georgia, people who lived in rural areas were less likely to agree with the above statement compared to people from the capitals.

In Armenia, older people were more likely to agree with the statement compared to people aged 18–34. This variable was not a significant predictor in Georgia.

Additionally, while gender, education level, employment status, ethnicity, and ownership of durable goods (a common proxy for wealth) were included in the regression, none were statistically significant predictors in either country.

In both countries, people tended to lack confidence in their influence on politics while also feeling indifferent about their role in political life. While this trend was observed in both Armenia and Georgia, people in Armenia were significantly less willing to participate in politics and were less likely to perceive their role as important in political processes.

Note: The results presented in this article came from a regression model of the Caucasus Barometer 2024 dataset. The regressions included the following variables: sex (male or female), age group (18–34, 35–54, 55+), settlement type (capital, urban, rural), ethnic group (ethnic majority or ethnic minority), educational attainment (secondary or lower, secondary technical, higher than secondary), employment (working, not working), and wealth (ownership of 13 different durable goods, a common proxy for wealth).

Georgians overwhelming see gender equality as important to country’s future success

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. This article was written by Nino Lobzhanidze, a Junior Researcher at CRRC Georgia. The views presented in this article are the author’s alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of CRRC Georgia, UN Women, or any related entity.

A recent UN Women and CRRC Georgia study has found that the vast majority of Georgians find it important to work towards a more equal society.

The survey focused on a wide range of issues related to gender equality in Georgia, from the need for quality childcare services to women’s representation in politics and business.

According to the data collected, between 79%–98% of respondents believed that improvements in social and police rights, more equal sharing of domestic work, and a greater representation of women in leadership positions were important for Georgia’s future.

Looking at the role of women in leadership positions specifically, 79% believed that more opportunities for women in business was important; 77% believed the same for women in politics; and 75% believed it was important for women to have more opportunities in decision-making roles writ large.

The survey also assessed attitudes toward fundamental rights and social policies. A large majority (83%) considered improved access to higher education for women important. A similarly large majority (84%) supported affordable healthcare for women. The idea that respect for women’s rights in all areas is essential for the country’s success had 91% agreement.

Attitudes toward the workplace and family equality were also assessed. When addressing workplace equality, 96% of respondents supported equal pay for equal work, regardless of gender. A large majority (87%) also agreed on the importance of an ‘equal distribution of unpaid housework between spouses or partners’.

Overall, 65% of the public agreed with all nine of the above statements. A regression analysis suggests that gender was the only statistically significant predictor of whether a person agreed with all of the statements or not, with 73% of women agreeing with all nine statements compared to 56% of men, controlling for other factors. The data showed no significant differences on this account when it came to age, ethnicity, settlement type, education level, or employment status.

It is clear that a large majority of the public agrees that improving women’s rights is important for the country’s future, including the importance of equal pay and the fair distribution of household labour. Perhaps unsurprisingly, women were more likely to support all of these things than men, but still, a clear majority of both men and women believe these issues are important to Georgia’s future.

The regression analysis used in this article included the following variables:  age (16–24, 25–34, 35–44, 45–54, 55+); sex (male or female); settlement type (Tbilisi, other urban, rural); education level (secondary or lower; vocational; and completed or uncompleted higher education); ethnicity (ethnic Georgian or ethnic minority); and employment status (employed or not working).

Blog | Most Georgians believe personal freedoms do not extend to choices around sex

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media.  This article was written by Salome Dolidze and Zachary Fabos, researchers at CRRC Georgia. The views expressed in the article are the authors’ alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UN Women, CRRC Georgia, or any related entity.

According to a new UN Women survey, although many Georgians believe both men and women are largely free to make decisions regarding their future, this does not extend to one’s choices around sex.

The majority of Georgians believe they have a high degree of control over their lives, the March survey has found. This extends to choices regarding one’s education, making financial decisions, finding employment, and when and with whom to marry.

However, according to the same survey, such freedoms do not extend to choices involving sex before marriage or having more than one sexual partner in one’s lifetime, especially when asked in relation to women.

Georgian men and women were asked to indicate how much control they believe to have over their own life and how much control others have over theirs. Generally, men and women alike, granted themselves a higher degree of control than others, with 68% of respondents indicating they have a lot of control over their own life. Even so, men are still believed to have more control, with 65% of respondents stating that most men have a lot of control over their lives compared to 51% believing the same for most women. Interestingly, men are more likely to say that they have a lot of control over their lives compared to women.

Georgians felt similarly when asked about the freedom to choose whom they marry — overall, 75% claimed to have a lot of influence in choosing whom they marry.

Again, Georgians agreed that most men have more influence in this choice than most women. However, a majority (69%) still believed most women have a lot of influence in deciding whom to marry.

Broken down by gender, 68% of women believed they have a lot of influence in deciding whom to marry, compared to 83% of men.

Opinion differed among Georgians when asked about choices regarding sex before marriage and having more than one sexual partner in one’s lifetime.

When asked if it was justifiable for people to have a sexual relationship before marriage and to have several sexual partners in one’s lifetime, Georgians generally stated that it was somewhat more justifiable for men to do so compared to women. A slight majority (51%) of Georgians believed it was justifiable for men to have a sexual relationship before marriage, compared to 30% believing the same for women. Although most Georgians believed it was unjustifiable for both men and women to have several sexual partners in their lifetime, it was perceived as more justifiable for men by 12 percentage points, compared to women.

In addition, individuals 35 and older, those living outside Tbilisi, and those who had higher education were more likely to say that it was not at all justifiable for women to have sexual relationships before marriage than younger people, residents of Tbilisi, and ethnic Georgians.

Likewise, people living outside Tbilisi and those aged 55 and over were more likely to say that it was not at all justifiable for women to have several sexual partners in their lifetime than people living in the capital and younger people.

The results of the UN Women survey demonstrate a clear disassociation between personal freedoms and sexual autonomy among Georgians. Although many Georgians believe men and women are free to make decisions regarding their relationships, finances, and futures, such liberties do not extend to one’s choices around sex.

The regression analysis used in this article included the following variables:  age (16–24, 25–34, 35–54, 55+); Sex (male or female); settlement type (Tbilisi, other urban, rural); education level (Secondary or lower, vocational, tertiary); ethnicity (Ethnic Georgian or ethnic minority); and employment status (employed or not working). The data used in the article is available here.

Georgians largely hold Russia and Putin responsible for the war in Ukraine

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. This article was written by Eto Gagunashvili, a researcher at CRRC Georgia. The views presented in this article are the author’s alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of CRRC Georgia.

While over half of all Georgians believe that Russia or Russian President Vladimir Putin holds the most responsibility for the full-scale war in Ukraine, a large minority, 17%, felt they were uncertain who to blame, while another 13% considered Ukraine or its president Volodymyr Zelenskyi personally responsible.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has shaped global politics since its start. Past polling has shown that the public in Georgia, a country with its own territorial conflicts with Russia, has broadly supported Ukraine. Data from CRRC Georgia’s Caucasus Barometer survey from Spring 2024 suggests that most people in Georgia hold Putin and Russia responsible for the war.

The data shows that most Georgians (57%) believe that Russia or Putin holds the most responsibility for the war in Ukraine. Just one in eight Georgians (13%) considered Ukraine or Zelenskyi personally responsible.

However, notably, 17% of Georgians were uncertain and reported that they did not know who holds the most responsibility for this war.

Further analysis showed that beliefs about responsibility for the war in Ukraine were associated with age, political preferences, and perceptions of the likelihood of Georgia’s involvement in any war.

For example, respondents aged 35 and older were less likely to blame Russia or Putin compared to younger respondents aged 18–34.

In turn, women were nine percentage points more likely to report uncertainty, selecting ‘don’t know’ when asked about responsibility for the war in Ukraine, while people living in rural areas were 16 percentage points more likely to be undecided on the issue.

Opposition party supporters were 23 percentage points more likely to blame Russia/Putin than those who supported the ruling Georgian Dream party. They were also 14 percentage points less likely to be undecided about responsibility for the war in Ukraine compared to ruling party supporters.

Respondents who did not provide a party preference on the survey were 15 percentage points less likely to place blame on Zelenskyi or Ukraine compared to Georgian Dream supporters.

Respondents who were uncertain about the risk of Georgia’s involvement in any conflict were significantly less likely to blame either Ukraine/Zelenskyi or Russia/Putin, and were more likely to be undecided.

Most Georgians, particularly the younger generation and opposition party supporters, hold Russia or Putin responsible for the war in Ukraine. Women and people living in rural areas were more likely to be undecided. Those who were uncertain about Georgia’s potential involvement in war also tended to be undecided about who is to blame for the war.

This analysis is based on a multinomial logistic regression, where the dependent variable is ‘Who holds the most responsibility for the war in Ukraine?’ with three answer options: Russia/Putin, Ukraine/Zelenskyi, and Don’t know. The independent variables include gender, age, settlement type, education, ethnicity, employment, partisanship, and the perceived likelihood of Georgia’s involvement in any war.

Is quality education in Georgia really accessible for all?

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. It was written by Salome Dolidze and Kristine Vacharadze. The views expressed in the article are the authors’ alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of CRRC Georgia, or any related entity.

A newly released UN Women and CRRC Georgia report has found that the majority of Georgians believe access to quality education is equal between men and women, and that such an education is relatively easy to obtain.

According to a 2021 Pew Research Centre report, young women are more likely than men to attend college, a trend that is consistent across the globe.

This trend is also observed in Georgia, where the proportion of female students is higher than that of male students — according to official statistics, in the 2024–2025 school year, 53% of university students were female and 47% male.

Despite the statistics, according to data gathered by UN Women and CRRC Georgia, most Georgians believe access to quality education is fairly equitable between genders, though opinions vary slightly when it comes to men’s versus women’s access.

According to the new UN Women and CRRC Georgia report, 62% of the Georgian population agree that it is easy for women to receive a quality education. A slightly larger share (66%) believe that the same is true for men. Fewer (59%) think that a quality education is easily accessible to them in Georgia.

Regarding the question of how easy it is to access quality education in Georgia, regression analyses show that younger people (16–24), those who are employed, and individuals with at least some higher education are more likely to perceive access to quality education for themselves in Georgia as easy compared to older individuals, the unemployed, and those with lower levels of education. This perception did not vary by gender, settlement type, or ethnicity, controlling for other factors.

Opinions on men’s and women’s access to education in Georgia vary. People who are not working and those aged 35–44 are less likely to perceive women’s access to quality education as easy, compared to employed individuals and younger age groups. This attitude does not vary by education level, gender, settlement type, or ethnicity, all else equal.

Similarly, demographic factors such as employment status, ethnicity, and settlement type predict perceptions of men’s access to education. Ethnic minorities, people in urban areas, and employed individuals are more likely to perceive men’s access to quality education as relatively easy, compared to ethnic Georgians, residents of the capital, and those who are not employed.

The vast majority (88%) of the population disagrees with the statement that it is more important for a boy to obtain a university education than a girl. The perceived social norms are similar to personal attitudes, though there is greater uncertainty over what the social norm is.

One in seven (15%) believe that the majority of people in their community think education is more important for boys than girls. A similar share is uncertain, and 69% disagree. A regression model does not indicate any statistically significant differences between demographic groups on these questions.

The prevailing belief among the population of Georgia is that access to quality education is equal and relatively easy to obtain for the majority of men and women, as well as for themselves. The findings suggest that while most Georgians believe there is equal access to quality education for men and women, subtle differences in perceptions exist across demographics. Social norms largely support gender equality in education, with a small minority feeling that boys’ education is more valued.

The data used in this article is available here. The regression analysis used in this article included the following variables:  age (16-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55+); Sex (male or female); settlement type (Tbilisi, other urban, rural); education level (secondary or lower, vocational, completed or uncompleted higher education); ethnicity (ethnic Georgian or ethnic minority); and employment status (employed or unemployed).