Is quality education in Georgia really accessible for all?

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. It was written by Salome Dolidze and Kristine Vacharadze. The views expressed in the article are the authors’ alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of CRRC Georgia, or any related entity.

A newly released UN Women and CRRC Georgia report has found that the majority of Georgians believe access to quality education is equal between men and women, and that such an education is relatively easy to obtain.

According to a 2021 Pew Research Centre report, young women are more likely than men to attend college, a trend that is consistent across the globe.

This trend is also observed in Georgia, where the proportion of female students is higher than that of male students — according to official statistics, in the 2024–2025 school year, 53% of university students were female and 47% male.

Despite the statistics, according to data gathered by UN Women and CRRC Georgia, most Georgians believe access to quality education is fairly equitable between genders, though opinions vary slightly when it comes to men’s versus women’s access.

According to the new UN Women and CRRC Georgia report, 62% of the Georgian population agree that it is easy for women to receive a quality education. A slightly larger share (66%) believe that the same is true for men. Fewer (59%) think that a quality education is easily accessible to them in Georgia.

Regarding the question of how easy it is to access quality education in Georgia, regression analyses show that younger people (16–24), those who are employed, and individuals with at least some higher education are more likely to perceive access to quality education for themselves in Georgia as easy compared to older individuals, the unemployed, and those with lower levels of education. This perception did not vary by gender, settlement type, or ethnicity, controlling for other factors.

Opinions on men’s and women’s access to education in Georgia vary. People who are not working and those aged 35–44 are less likely to perceive women’s access to quality education as easy, compared to employed individuals and younger age groups. This attitude does not vary by education level, gender, settlement type, or ethnicity, all else equal.

Similarly, demographic factors such as employment status, ethnicity, and settlement type predict perceptions of men’s access to education. Ethnic minorities, people in urban areas, and employed individuals are more likely to perceive men’s access to quality education as relatively easy, compared to ethnic Georgians, residents of the capital, and those who are not employed.

The vast majority (88%) of the population disagrees with the statement that it is more important for a boy to obtain a university education than a girl. The perceived social norms are similar to personal attitudes, though there is greater uncertainty over what the social norm is.

One in seven (15%) believe that the majority of people in their community think education is more important for boys than girls. A similar share is uncertain, and 69% disagree. A regression model does not indicate any statistically significant differences between demographic groups on these questions.

The prevailing belief among the population of Georgia is that access to quality education is equal and relatively easy to obtain for the majority of men and women, as well as for themselves. The findings suggest that while most Georgians believe there is equal access to quality education for men and women, subtle differences in perceptions exist across demographics. Social norms largely support gender equality in education, with a small minority feeling that boys’ education is more valued.

The data used in this article is available here. The regression analysis used in this article included the following variables:  age (16-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55+); Sex (male or female); settlement type (Tbilisi, other urban, rural); education level (secondary or lower, vocational, completed or uncompleted higher education); ethnicity (ethnic Georgian or ethnic minority); and employment status (employed or unemployed).

Is domestic violence acceptable in Georgia?

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. It was written by Salome Dolidze and Kristine Vacharadze. The views expressed in the article are the authors’ alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of CRRC Georgia, or any related entity.

According to a new UN Women and CRRC Georgia study, while most Georgians believe domestic violence against a partner is unacceptable, fewer are certain that their community believes the same.

The 2023 UN Women and GEOSTAT National Study on Violence against Women in Georgia found that one in four women (23%) experienced intimate partner violence at some point in their lives.

Additionally, half of women aged 15–69 had experienced at least one of seven types of violence — child sexual abuse before the age of 18; physical and/or emotional child abuse before the age of 18; any type of intimate partner violence; non-partner physical violence since the age of 15; non-partner sexual violence since the age of 15; sexual harassment; and stalking — asked about on the survey.

Clearly, domestic violence is a substantial problem in Georgia. One method for reducing its occurrence is through informing people that social norms view domestic violence as unacceptable.

In the latest UN Women and CRRC Georgia study, published on 18 March, only 6% of respondents stated that there were acceptable circumstances for someone to hit their partner or spouse, with 7% of women and 3% of men expressing this view.

In turn, 91% of respondents stated that there are no acceptable circumstances for hitting a partner.

However, fewer people (78%) agreed that their society would view things the same. The data showed that 13% were uncertain about the perceived social norm, but only 4% were uncertain about their own view.

A significant minority, 23%, responded that violence between husband and wife was a private matter and that others should not interfere. This view was shared by 19% of women and 27% of men.

While 74% personally disagreed with the view that spousal violence is a private matter, only 59% responded that they believe society as a whole holds the same view, with 16% uncertain over society’s views, compared to 3% uncertain of their own view.

Regarding physical violence, individuals under 45, those who are employed, and those with vocational education are less likely to agree that there are acceptable circumstances for hitting a spouse or partner compared to younger individuals, those who are not working, or those with lower education levels. This perception did not vary by sex, settlement type, ethnicity, or education level when controlling for other factors.

When asked whether violence between a husband and wife is a private matter and others should not intervene, men were more likely than women to agree with this statement. However, other demographic factors, such as age, settlement type, education level, ethnicity, or employment status, did not show any statistically significant differences.

The main difference between personal attitudes and social norms was uncertainty. Individuals aged 25–34, those with higher education, and ethnic minorities were more likely to respond with ‘don’t know’ when asked whether most people in their community believe there are acceptable circumstances for hitting a partner. This contrasts with younger individuals, those with secondary or lower education, and ethnic Georgians. This perception did not vary by sex, settlement type, or employment status.

Regarding the community’s perception that violence between a husband and wife is a private matter and others should not intervene, ethnic minorities were more likely than ethnic Georgians to respond with ‘don’t know’. However, this attitude did not significantly vary by sex, age, settlement type, education level, or employment status.

According to the above data, most people in Georgia disapprove of domestic violence, and only a small share believe it is justified to hit a partner. However, fewer people believe that their communities share these anti-violent views, with the gap largely made up of uncertainty about social norms. This presents an opportunity for campaigners to inform Georgians that indeed, the vast majority of the public are against domestic violence.

The data used in this article is available here. The regression analysis used in this article included the following variables:  age (16–24, 25–34, 35–44, 45–54, 55+); sex (male or female); settlement type (Tbilisi, other urban, rural); education level (secondary or lower, vocational, completed or uncompleted higher education); ethnicity (ethnic Georgian or ethnic minority); and employment status (employed or unemployed).

More than half of all Georgians struggle to put food on the table

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. This article was written by Zachary Fabos, a Researcher at CRRC Georgia. The views presented in the article are the author’s alone and do not necessarily represent the views of CRRC Georgia or any related entity.

A significant portion of Georgia’s population experienced food insecurity in 2024, according to data from CRRC Georgia’s 2024 Caucasus Barometer, with over half respondents indicating they could not afford food or had to borrow money to purchase it at least once in the past 12 months.

Although the frequency of food insecurity has steadily decreased since 2015, alarmingly, over half (53%) of Georgians in 2024 still reported either not being able to afford food or needing to borrow money to purchase food at least once in the past 12 months.

Those not having enough money to buy food at least once in the past 12 months (45%) is slightly higher than those borrowing money to purchase food, at least once in the past six months (36%). Importantly, as the survey specifically asked respondents to indicate if they borrowed money for food, it potentially undercounts the frequency in which the public faces food insecurity, as a common means of purchasing food is to request it on loan from a shop, with the promise of paying for it later.

Although widespread, food insecurity is especially concentrated among particular demographic groups.

A regression analysis, which combines not being able to afford food in the past 12 months and borrowing money to purchase food in the last six months, to represent food insecurity, demonstrates that those living outside of the capital, ethnic minorities, and those with one or more children are most likely to experience this form of poverty.

For example, ethnic minorities are 17 points more likely than ethnic Georgians to report not being able to afford food or borrowing money to purchase it.

Likewise, those living in rural and urban communities are 19 and 16 percentage points more likely, respectively, to report food insecurity in the past year, compared to inhabitants of Tbilisi, while those with one or more children are 13 percentage points more likely to experience food insecurity, compared to those without a child.

Though still a decrease from 10 years ago, the Caucasus Barometer data demonstrates there remains an alarming rate of food insecurity across all populations of Georgia, especially among ethnic minorities, outside Tbilisi, and in families with children.

Note: The analysis in this article makes use of binomial regression analysis. The analysis included gender (male, female), age group (18-34, 35-54, and 55+), settlement type (capital, urban, rural), ethnicity (Georgian, ethnic minority), and has child(ren) (has a child, does not have a child) as predictor variables.

The data used in this article can be found here.

Are Georgians becoming more concerned about stray animals?

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. It was written by Teimuraz Kobakhidze, a Junior Researcher at CRRC-Georgia. The views presented in this article are the author’s alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of CRRC Georgia, NDI, or any related entity.

Stray animals have increasingly become a top public goods issue amongst the Georgian public. Data from an October 2023 CRRC/NDI survey found that 22% of people named stray animals as a top issue, tying it at the top of public priorities with roads.

According to a 2023 official census by the Animal Monitoring Agency, there are over 30,000 street dogs in Tbilisi, only a third of whom have been spayed or neutered. It was the first such census to be conducted since 2015.

To address this issue, in December 2023, the government’s Environmental Protection and Natural Resources Committee introduced the law ‘Regarding Domestic Animals’, which was intended to address many details of domestic animal welfare, ranging from the number of pets a person can own to stray animal population control. Breaking the law can lead to fines of up to ₾3,000 ($1,050).

Animal welfare has also become a top concern for the Georgian public, who consider the issue among the highest priorities in their local communities.

According to data collected in an October 2023 NDI/CRRC survey, stray animals was tied for the top public goods issue across Georgia, with 22% of the public naming it as a top issue, the same share which named roads.

This issue has been growing in importance for the Georgian public.

While 4% and 6% named this issue in 2020 and 2021, respectively, the share rose to 18% in 2022, with a new high in 2023.

This rise is reflected in the share of the public concerned with street dogs. Between March and October of 2023, the share reporting that they were concerned with street dogs rose by 13 percentage points from 55% to 68%.

According to the data collected by CRRC/NDI, people’s prioritisation of and concern with stray animals varied by a number of characteristics.

People in urban areas outside Tbilisi were more than three times as likely to name stray animals as a top public goods issue compared to people in rural areas. Within Tbilisi, people were three times more likely to prioritise the issue as a top public concern compared to those in rural areas.

Women were 10% more likely than men to name stray animals as a priority, while people aged 35 and older were more likely to report the issue compared to people aged between 18–24.

Education level was not associated with attitudes on this issue.

Attitudes also varied among different social and demographic groups on the second question in the survey asking how concerned the public was about stray dogs.

Women were eight percentage points more likely to report being concerned than men. Similarly, people with a higher education were eight points more likely than those with a secondary education or less to report being concerned with street dogs. Concern did not vary by settlement type or age.

As can be seen from the above data, concern for street animals and their priority as a public goods issue appears to be on the rise in Georgia, with women, individuals with a higher education, and those over the age of 35 paying particular attention to the issue.

The data in this article come from a series of regression models. The independent variables included age group (18-34, 35-54, 55+), sex (male or female), settlement type (Tbilisi, other urban, or rural), education level (secondary or lower, secondary technical, higher than secondary). The models looked at 1) whether or not someone named homeless animals as a most important public goods issue, and 2) whether or not the respondent was concerned about homeless dogs. The survey had a total of 1,278 respondents.

Georgians are feeling the effects of climate change

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. It was written by Dustin Gilbreath, a Non-Resident Senior Fellow at CRRC-Georgia. The views presented in the article are the author’s alone and do not necessarily represent the views of CRRC-Georgia, Caucasian House, or any related entity.

The effects of climate change are increasingly being felt acutely in Georgia. A CRRC poll investigated Georgian people’s perception of climate change, and found that 90% of respondents considered it to be an important issue, and 75% had experienced changes in local weather patterns. 

Climate change is increasingly having catastrophic impacts around the world, from an increase in insect-borne infectious disease to a rise in deadly heatwaves, flooding, and storms. 

These impacts are also being felt in Georgia, with unpredictable weather severely impacting agriculture and winemaking, glacial melting causing an increase in natural disasters, and deadly weather events like the Black Sea storm Bettina increasing in frequency. 

However, climate change had only infrequently appeared in mainstream Georgian discourse prior to the tragic Shovi landslides. 

In this context, what does the Georgian public think about climate change? 

Data from a newly released CRRC Georgia poll suggest that an overwhelming majority of Georgians consider climate change important, and most believe that they have personal experience of climate changing in their area.

While few considered climate change one of the primary issues that Georgia faced, almost all believed that climate change was happening. 

To assess the relative importance of climate change, the surveyed public was asked to identify the top issues the country faced, and allowed to name two. As in most surveys, economic concerns prevailed, with 21% naming the economy and 18% naming poverty as Georgia’s top issues. In contrast, 2% named climate change and 5% named environmental protection. In total, 6% named one or the other, as some respondents named both climate change and environmental protection. 

While the data suggests that climate change is not seen as a high priority issue, it also shows that the public does nonetheless consider it to be significant. 

When asked how important or unimportant the issue was, 90% considered it to be important (31%) or very important (59%). The data paints a similar picture for how concerned the public is about climate change — 80% of the public is worried (42%) or very worried (38%) about climate change. 

While there is a high degree of sympathy towards the issue, the public is relatively unclear about the root causes of climate change. Only a third of Georgians (32%) believe that climate change is primarily driven by human action, while 42% believe it is partially natural and partially human driven. One in five (21%) believe that climate change is primarily driven by natural causes. 

While the primary cause of climate change is less than clear to the public, there is consensus on climate change being real: only 1% of respondents reported the belief that climate change is not happening at all.

The strong belief in climate change may be connected to a high prevalence of people reporting seeing the effects of climate change in their communities, and that they have experienced weather events that they take as proof of climate change. 

Three quarters (75%) of the surveyed public reported that there have been changes in their local weather patterns, and 74% agreed with the statement that ‘I have personally experienced unusual weather that I feel is clear proof of climate change’.

Regarding the specific weather events that people had noticed, unusually warm weather for the time of year, heavy rains and flooding, and sudden changes in weather topped the list. In contrast, less than 10% of respondents named heavy snowfall, large storms, and unusually cold weather.

The above data shows that while climate is not a primary concern to the Georgian public it does matter to them, with people aware of the changing climate in their communities. 

This article was written by Dustin Gilbreath, a non-resident senior fellow at CRRC Georgia. It is based on a new report, available here.

Dustin works as a polling consultant for climate change-related organisations, as disclosed on his LinkedIn profile. The views within this article reflect the views of the author alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of CRRC Georgia, any related entity, or any entity which Dustin works for.

Georgians are split on economic relations with Russia

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. It was written by Zachary Fabos, a Researcher at CRRC-Georgia and Milorsh Shengelia, a Researcher at CRRC-Georgia. The views presented in the article are the author’s alone and do not necessarily represent the views of CRRC-Georgia, Caucasian House, or any related entity.

Despite significant negative public sentiment towards Russia’s relations to Georgia, a 2023 CRRC survey found that there were mixed opinions on Georgia’s economic ties to Russia. 

In CRRC Georgia’s 2021 Caucasus Barometer Survey, 66% of Georgians surveyed identified Russia as the country’s main enemy. However, NDI and CRRC Georgia’s October 2023 survey data found that those surveyed had a variety of opinions on Georgia’s economic relations with Russia. 

Georgian support for deepening economic relations with Russia reached a peak of 53% in February 2022, just before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. A month later, in March 2022, support for the opposite — limiting economic relations — was at its highest at 39%. Since then, support for deepening relations has remained steady, while support for limiting relations has declined, with each position supported by a quarter of the surveyed public as of October 2023. At the same time, there has been an uptick in support for leaving relations as they stand, at 34%. 

Opinions on how to manage Georgia’s economic relations with Russia vary with settlement type, ethnicity, and gender. 

Tbilisi residents were 20 percentage points more likely to support the idea of limiting economic relations with Russia than those living in other urban settlements, and 28 points more likely than those in rural communities.

Ethnic minorities are 15 percentage points more likely to report the country should deepen economic relations with Russia, while men are 10 points more likely to support deepening economic relations with Russia than women. 

The share in favour of maintaining relations as they stand tends to be stable amongst social and demographic groups, with 35-39% of the different demographic groups holding this view, controlling for other factors. The two exceptions to this pattern are Tbilisi residents, who as noted previously tend to believe that relations should be limited, and ethnic minorities, who are more likely to believe relations should deepen.

Aside from demographic factors, partisanship predicts attitudes towards Georgia’s economic ties with Russia. 

The largest difference of opinions along party lines is between supporters of the ruling Georgian Dream party and the United National Movement (UNM). After controlling for other factors, supporters of the ruling party are twice (33%) as likely as UNM supporters (15%) to favour deeper economic relations with Russia. UNM supporters are also nearly four times as likely (52%) to think relations should be limited compared with Georgian Dream supporters (14%), controlling for other factors.

Georgian society is split on how the country’s economy should interact with Russia’s, and these differences of opinion vary substantially along social, demographic, and partisan lines. 

Note: The analysis in this article makes use of multinomial regression analysis. The analysis included gender (male, female), age group (18-34, 35-54, and 55+), settlement type (capital, urban, rural), education (secondary/ secondary technical/ lower, and tertiary), ethnicity (ethnic Georgian, ethnic minority), employment (not employed, employed), a wealth index (0-10), and political party support (No party/don’t know/Georgian Dream, UNM, other party, and refuse to answer), as predictor variables. 

This article was written by Milord Shengelia and Zachary Fabos, researchers at CRRC Georgia. The views presented in the article are the authors’ alone and do not necessarily represent the views of CRRC Georgia, or any related entity.

Young, in the city, and online: most Georgians use more than one social media platform

Note: This article first appeared on the Caucasus Data Blog, a joint effort of CRRC-Georgia and OC Media. It was written by Zachary Fabos, a Researcher at CRRC-Georgia. The views presented in the article are the author’s alone and do not necessarily represent the views of CRRC-Georgia, Caucasian House, or any related entity.

A CRRC Georgia survey found most Georgian respondents use more than one social media platform, with younger people and people living in cities using a greater variety of platforms. 

According to Georgia’s National Statistics Office, 96% of Georgia’s internet users use social media. While social media’s popularity in Georgia is clear, which platforms are most used and who uses the most platforms? 

According to the 2021 Caucasus Barometer survey, 68% of Georgians use the internet daily. The most frequently mentioned destinations for those online are Facebook, with 69% of survey participants using the site, followed by YouTube, with 61% of respondents using the platform. Use of other sites such as Instagram (26%), TikTok (19%), Odnoklassniki (6%), Twitter (5%), and Vkontakte (5%) trails in comparison. 

An analysis found the number of different platforms respondents reported using, with the data suggesting that the average number is two.

When this data is broken down, it shows that among demographic factors, the strongest predictor of using a diversity of platforms is age. On average, people aged 18-34 use three platforms while those 55+ use only one, controlling for other factors. Those aged 35-54 use two platforms, controlling for other factors. 

Aside from age, the number of platforms someone uses is also associated with settlement type. People living in rural settlements use one platform, while those in Tbilisi and other urban settlements use two on average, controlling for other factors.

Employment status, ethnicity, education level, and sex are not correlated with the number of platforms a person uses.

The above pattern holds across the different platforms asked about on the survey — young people (18-34) are more likely than people in older age groups to use each platform asked about on the survey, controlling for other factors.

The above data shows that young people both use a more diverse set of social media platforms than older people, while also using each and every social media platform asked about more often than people 35 and older.

This article was written by Zachary Fabos, a Researcher at CRRC Georgia. The views presented in the article are the author’s alone and do not necessarily represent the views of CRRC Georgia or any related entity.

Note: The analysis in this article makes use of logistic regression analysis. The analysis included gender (male, female), age group (18-34, 35-54, and 55+), settlement type (capital, urban, rural), education (secondary/ secondary technical/ lower, and tertiary), ethnicity (ethnic Georgian, ethnic minority), employment (not employed, employed), and a wealth index (0-10), as predictor variables. 

The data used in this article is available here.