Many characteristics of
the Georgian population are changing, but perhaps none as drastically as
internet usage. Looking at data from the Caucasus Barometer, in only three
years the estimated proportion of the adult population using the internet at
least once a week has grown from an estimated 23% to an estimated 41%:
Since having access to the internet drastically increases the amount and varies the type of information available to people, the question of political implications naturally follows. As Georgians begin accessing information from online sources, how are their assessments of their governments and others changing?
In order to address
this question, we can separate the population into two groups. One group is
those people who access the internet at least once per week and report
utilizing it for the purpose of searching for information, consuming news,
writing or reading blogs, or engaging in forum discussions. The second group is
those people who either don’t regularly access the internet, or who use it for purely
recreational activities such as online gaming.
Let’s compare the two
groups’ views on their government in the 2011 Caucasus Barometer. Here are five
questions asked in the survey that measure respondents’ perception of the level
of fairness and freedom of information in Georgia:
- Under the present government in Georgia do you completely agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, or completely disagree that people like yourself are treated fairly by the government?
- To what degree does the court system in Georgia treat all citizens equally or to what degree does it favor some over others?
- Would you say that the most recent election was conducted completely fairly, to some extent fairly, or not at all fairly?
- In Georgia today, do you think or not that people like yourself have the right to openly say what they think?
- How well do you think TV journalists in Georgia inform the population about what is actually going on in Georgia?
Interestingly, not a
single one of these five questions were answered significantly differently by
the two groups! This suggests that consuming information from online sources
does not paint a substantially different picture of Georgia than that painted
by sources available via TV and newspaper. One area where we do find
significant differences between those who collect information online and those
who don’t, is in their perceptions of Europe. Looking at the most extreme views
on EU integration, those who either don’t support integration at all or fully
support it, the proportion of the population that gets information online has
significantly greater support for integration.
The same pattern holds
with support for NATO integration, but does this trend hold outside of
politics? Interestingly, it does. On the subject of inter-ethnic marriages, CB
respondents are asked whether or not they approve of women of their ethnic
group marrying members of other specific groups. When asked about domestic
ethnic minorities such as Azerbaijanis living in Georgia and Armenians living
in Georgia, the opinions of those who get information from the internet are not
significantly different from those who do not. However, when asked about inter-ethnic
marriages with members of European nations, opinions differ significantly.
The fact that the
approval of interethnic marriages by those who get information from the
internet is significantly higher with respect to Europeans but not with respect
to domestic ethnic minorities suggests that the issue is not simply one of
internet users being less socially conservative. In fact, respondents who got
information from the internet were actually slightly more likely to say that both
abortion and homosexuality were never justifiable, although the differences
were not statistically significant. So, rather than simply being more liberal,
it seems that people who get information from the internet are more open
specifically to Europeans.
In summary, the data
suggest that while people who get information from the internet do not perceive
their own country differently, they do perceive Europe more positively. Why
might this be? Could it simply be because they have access to more information
about Europe and thus feel more comfortable with Europe as a partner? Or could
it be that they are actually receiving more positive messages about Europe via
the internet? Or, could it be due to another factor or combination of factors
altogether?
One way to look into
this question in more detail may be by examining the Media Survey, which CRRC
conducted in 2009 and 2011. Both data sets are for download at http://crrc.ge/data/, and for online data analysis at http://crrc.ge/oda/. The survey includes many questions regarding the
channels through which respondents receive information, and also includes
questions assessing the accuracy of media sources and measuring levels of trust
in various governmental and international bodies.
Readers are invited to respond
with their own theories and data analysis to support them, and we’ll publish a
blog post on one of the responses. Please send your ideas and preliminary
analyses to lucy.flynn@crrccenters.org by Monday, May 21st, and feel free to
contact me sooner if you have any questions.
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